In this article, we explain how revolutionary Marxists approach organised religion. Contrary to bourgeois humanists or atheists, we approach organised religion from a historical materialist standpoint, viewing it as a reflection of the material conditions. Our attitude towards religious workers is informed by a united front perspective, which unites with religious workers around shared objectives while maintaining our political independence and agitating against religious leaders.
Marx famously once said that religion is 'the opium of the masses'. What he meant by this concerns the relationship of religious consciousness to social reality. Marx was not simply identifying religion with ignorance or advocating a simplistic atheism. His view was not that a religious person is backward or inherently reactionary. To understand Marx's position, one must understand the social function of opium.
In Marx's time until the forties, opium was used as a painkiller and an anaesthetic in operations. Opium relieved serious pain, in much the same way morphine would be used today by the chronically ill. While there were some who used it as a drug, Marx's usage of it in the 'opium of the masses' quote refers to its function as a painkiller. By saying that 'religion is the opium of the masses', Marx meant that religion acts to alleviate some of the pain and suffering created by class oppression.
In every class society–slavery, feudalism, and capitalism–the ruling class brings about generalised suffering for the popular masses. Sometimes, this suffering is the result of wars, while at others, it is due to poverty and lack of access to resources by the oppressed class. The ruling class will promote religion and religious institutions in order to conceal the oppressive nature of class exploitation. Working people and the oppressed masses will use the opium created by these religions to ease their suffering. Religious institutions, even the most oppressive and conservative, provide the oppressed with a community and social support system. This acts as an opium, easing some of the pain of class oppression and making the masses passive towards their oppressors.
While the ruling class uses religion to pacify the oppressed masses, it is always possible that a resistance movement will develop within a religion. This was the case with Liberation Theology, which was a current within the Catholic Church in the 60s-80s led by socialist clergy and laypeople against the capitalist system. In Brazil, Nicaragua, and Haiti, Liberation Theologians advocated for a united front of socialist Catholics and Marxists. Sometimes, they would even take up communist demands, such as calling for the means of production to be owned by the producers and socialist land reforms.
Despite the progressive nature of Liberation Theology, it remained conservative in its attitude towards moral and social issues such as reproductive rights, marriage and violence. Although some liberation theologians were influenced by Marxism, most of them took their inspiration from Catholic Social Teaching, a corporatist ideology that also influenced Francoist fascism. It tends to be anti-capitalist, but in a way that maintains the status-quo and avoids revolutionary proletarian action. Thus, what tends to happen with progressive religious movements is that they are limited by conservative ideas inherent to the religion. At key moments, even the most progressive religious movements will clash with revolutionary workers, who agitate for revolutionary demands that are in conflict with these religious ideologies.
Where such progressive religious movements exist, Communists should adopt a united front tactic towards them. It is certainly possible to participate in a united march or campaign with progressive movements. In places like the United States where progressive religious leaders are active, it might very well be that the leaders of an anti-racist campaign or a fight to protect indigenous land are led by progressive priests and religious leaders. Communists should not fuse with them in organisations or sign documents produced by churches. Rather, by joining in a united action with religious leaders, communists must try to break the popular masses from the control of religious leaders. This can only be done if they show in practice that they are better at fighting for the interests of the oppressed and present the masses with a communist programme. Furthermore, Communists should not be afraid to criticise religious leaders when they start making calls for peace or when they refuse to take direct action to meet the needs of the masses. By being ready to confront religious leaders rather than slavishly tailing them, Communists can win over sections of the masses and break the hold of religion.
Furthermore, it is important to exploit contradictions between religious leaders and a congregation when they express progressive sentiments. For example, if a progressive congregation who is involved in a political campaign becomes unhappy with the decision of a conservative priest, an imam or a rabbi, communists should join the congregation in exposing the reactionary religious leader. It might be that the believers from a local mosque have independently articulated support for a secular Palestinian organisation and wish to unite with it. If we have close links to this congregation, we will be in a position to learn about how the imams and other clergy respond to this call. It could very well be that they are unhappy with the imam, who wishes to support a religious organisation like Hamas or other reactionary movement in Palestine. In such a situation, Communists can win over the congregation by supporting them in their fight against the imam and supporting them in forming their own independent organisation. The result is that Communists break the hold of clergy over the group of believers and ensure their transformation into a progressive force. So long as the imams, priests and rabbis control their congregations, reformism, opportunism and conservatism will characterise the life of a religious community.
A protracted struggle to break religious people from their religious leaders should be how Communists approach organised religion. Whereas the imams, rabbis and priests wish to organise religion in order to maintain capitalism, Communists should exploit contradiction within mosques, churches and synagogues in order to disorganise religion. Through this disorganisation, it becomes possible to introduce revolutionary communist ideas to religious people and win them over to the side of the Communists. At this point, they may continue to believe in the precepts of their religion, but occupy a position where they can question it and take up new ideas. Through the conflict between old religious ideas and new revolutionary ideas, believers will enter a crisis of faith and seek a new community of people. While they may continue to hold certain religious beliefs, the oppressive religious leaders who use religion to maintain capitalism will disappear from their lives. It may take a long time to break the hold of conservative ideas, which retain a certain persistence long after a person has left an organised religion.
The United Communists of Europe is open to anyone who accepts our Unity Statement. The principles contained in this statement conflict with the precepts of Christianity, Islam, Judaism and a number of other religions. If a religious person wishes to join our organisation, we will enter into discussions with them. They are welcome to believe in God or gods, pray or not pray, go to a church, mosque or other place of worship and read their religious books. We will not criticise them for this, as this is a purely private matter, although the beliefs contained in them can conflict with our Communist views. Religious workers wishing to join the United Communists of Europe will be given the full opportunity to participate in our work. As all new members, they will be provisional members for a long period in order to enable us to decide whether they are a good fit for our organisation. If we find that their religious beliefs do not conflict with our programme, then a discussion about full membership is possible.
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