For a Politically-Conscious, Revolutionary Working Class

This article sets out the perspective of a politically-conscious, revolutionary working class. It tries to account for how political consciousness arises and what is involved in organising it. 

Introduction

A major principle of revolutionary Marxism is the idea that the working class is the social agent of revolutionary transformation. Unlike the petty-bourgeoisie and the peasantry, which are fragmented and partial, the working class has the power to lead the whole of society to radical social change. 

Our primary goal is to enable the working class to seize state-power through an armed insurrection and the continuation of revolutionary war on an international scale. We want to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, establish a socialist planned economy within a united federation of socialist states in Europe, and support revolutionary forces around the world. The end goal of the United Communists of Europe is communism, which is the natural product of an international socialist revolution that abolishes classes and puts an end to all forms of oppression. 

Most people who hear this will respond with suspicion and point out that the working class today is often reactionary. Many of the people who vote for far-right leaders, such as Donald Trump in the United States and Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, come from the working class. Even worse, union membership has significantly declined as a result of bureaucratic leaders who sell out the working class and collaborate with the bosses. 

Communist ideas have lost the appeal that they once held in the early twentieth century when millions around the world fought for socialist revolution. Liberalism is the dominant ideology, which advocates for progressive reforms within the horizon of capitalist society. Those embracing communism are often small, isolated groups of people who have no connection to the working class. Crimes that were committed in former socialist states, especially during the Stalinist period in the 30s and 40s, have further contributed to the unpopularity of communism and made it more difficult to win people over to revolutionary ideas. 

Trade Union Bureaucrats: Instruments of the Bourgeoisie in the Working Class

The United Communists of Europe would agree with all of the above skeptical responses to our revolutionary communist vision. It is indeed true that many working class people hold racist, reactionary ideas that contribute nothing to class consciousness and only serve capital. There are complex reasons for this, which we will not get into here. It should be fully acknowledged that our class does not wish to put an end to capitalism, nor do its leaders shake the power of the bourgeoisie in any way. While one might find a radical union leader in some isolated trade union, the trend is class collaborationism and a highly reformist politics led by corrupted union bureaucrats. These class traitors serve the bourgeoisie and act as instruments of bourgeois ideology among organised workers. Union bureaucrats are even worse than bourgeois politicians because of their close connection to the working class. Our organisation applies a revolutionary policy against trade union bureaucrats, treating them as members of the bourgeoisie and using revolutionary struggle to expose their criminal betrayal of the proletariat. 

While we would welcome independent worker organising outside of the existing trade unions, we think a rank-and-file movement led by a militant minority is the most effective strategy for combating the union bureaucracy. Despite being led by criminally traitorous elements, the trade unions remain important sites of struggle and will play an important role in future revolutionary movements. Their current leadership does not represent the working class, but the bourgeoisie, and therefore they cannot be said to express the current state of the working class. 

Radical Liberalism and Petty-Bourgeois Ideology

We also agree with the skeptical response that reformism, liberalism, and identity politics are today in command rather than communism. Young people today are generally not embracing revolutionary Marxism, but some variety of radical liberalism. This can take the form of intersectional feminism, queer theory, or postcolonial identity politics. Unlike the union bureaucracy, which represents bourgeois ideology within the working class, radical liberalism is a petty-bourgeois ideology that contains important progressive components. 

Intersectional feminism has done brilliant work to demonstrate how oppression is experienced and the complex structure of oppressive systems of power. Queer theory, most notably the work of Judith Butler, has given us concepts that are useful for understanding the dynamics of gender and its performance within capitalist society. Postcolonial identity politics is influenced by revolutionary theory, notably Frantz Fanon and Walter Rodney, but involves the negation of its revolutionary content. All three of these currents of thought are partially influenced by Marxism, but without embracing the revolutionary dimension of Marxism. They will use aspects of Marx's Capital to understand capitalism, but often negate this by introducing figures like Michel Foucault or Gilles Deleuze. Both Foucault and Deleuze are interesting writers who tell us a lot about the inner-workings of power, but lack a revolutionary perspective. This is due to the petty-bourgeois nature of radical liberalism, which is able to advance a social democratic transformation of society, but always within the limits set by capitalist society. The 'socialism' that it upholds is not revolutionary socialism, but a social democratic one. 

The attitude of the United Communists of Europe towards petty-bourgeois radical liberals is informed by united frontism. We wish to discuss our programme with them, find points of unity, participate in shared campaigns while maintaining our political independence and avoiding any kind of support for their reformism. We expect to be met with a certain level of hostility, as the petty-bourgeoisie will never unite with the working class unless the latter is in a position to lead it. Until a revolutionary communist workers party emerges, petty-bourgeois radical organisations will seek to maintain their own independence, which expresses itself through hostility towards revolutionary Marxists. 

In some countries, radical liberals are organised into political parties, such as Bij1 in the Netherlands. Our experience is that these kinds of petty-bourgeois radical parties are willing to work with Marxist organisations, but are suspicious of them and will always maintain their own organisation at the cost of unity. Unfortunately, they are prone to splits, as their petty-bourgeois character transforms every personal squabble into a political fight leading to division. Lacking working class leadership, the petty-bourgeoisie will always fight among itself, splitting endlessly and finding it unable to find unity. The proletariat is the only class that is in a position to unite the petty-bourgeoisie, giving them a place in the class struggle as a fighting force to march behind the working class under the banner of revolutionary Marxism. 

By adopting a united front policy towards petty-bourgeois radical liberals, whether individuals or parties, revolutionary Marxists can win the advanced elements and expose the fragility of petty-bourgeois leaders. Our goal is not to direct hostility towards petty-bourgeois leaders, but rather to expose the inability of the petty-bourgeoisie to organise itself as a class. As a class with no future, it suffers from a permanent fragility and an inability to go beyond reforms to the capitalist system. If it does get into power, it will be supported by either the working class or the bourgeoisie, who may utilise it for different purposes. It is never beneficial to the proletariat for the petty-bourgeoisie to be in command, whether in the people's movements or in a socialist state. Petty-bourgeois leaders are often power-hungry, selfish, and more concerned with their own limited needs than the interests of society. 

The only solution is to organise a revolutionary communist workers party with close links to the working class, and win the petty-bourgeoisie over so that it accepts its leadership. Unless this happens, petty-bourgeois ideology will remain in command for a long period, until a serious crisis threatens even their existence. Only then will it seek a class capable of bringing it out of its misery and can provide it with an emancipatory vision that vastly improves their existence. 

Thus, the critics of our vision of a politically conscious, united working class, are correct in so far as they point to the absence of an independent proletarian politics. In today's capitalist world, the working class has suffered so many defeats that it entirely lacks any leadership. Small communist groups, including the United Communists of Europe, do not represent their leadership. Our organisation, as well as a number of other revolutionary groups worldwide, are trying to establish the basis for this leadership through a programmatic intervention. We do not proclaim to be the leaders of the working class, as this would be absurd and take away any kind of credibility we might have. What we are setting out to do is unite communists from around the continent of Europe in order to lay the foundation for such a revolutionary leadership in the long-term future. 

A Politically Conscious, United Working Class

What exactly do we mean by a politically conscious, united working class? First, it means that a large majority of the working class has broken free of reformist illusion and come to see the inability to radical social change within the horizon of capitalist society. This means that the working class has discovered its own independent class politics, which it enacts through revolutionary struggle against the capitalist class. Its most conscious elements have spent years, if not decades, producing a revolutionary communist programme and laying the organisational ground for its realisation. Significant sections of the working class have taken up this communist programme, resulting in a highly conscious, revolutionary proletariat that is prepared to smash the capitalist state with revolutionary violence.  

Second, a politically conscious, united working class has discovered that no bourgeois party, even the most progressive, represents its interests. Subsequently, they organise their own revolutionary, communist workers party armed with a revolutionary programme and the goal of socialist revolution. Such a party can exploit the bourgeois parliamentary system by running in elections, but only to popularise its programme and making it clear that it does not seek parliamentary power. It makes clear from the beginning of its campaign that it seeks to use the rights provided by the bourgeois state to spread communist propaganda to the largest number of working people. 

In addition to exploiting elections for its own aims, a politically conscious united working class will use its most powerful weapon, the general strike, to inflict severe damage to the bourgeoisie. Due to its organisational links across the working class, a single phone call can lead to the shut down of production on an international scale, followed by factory occupations and the organisation of workers councils. A workers council is a form of proletarian power that emerges during a revolutionary situation and is the primary instrument that the proletariat uses to exercise its revolutionary dictatorship. Even before it has taken power, a politically conscious united working class can create a dual-power situation by establishing workers councils over entire regions. By arming the working class and driving the bourgeoisie out, the revolutionary proletariat wins a war of position and comes closer to staging an armed insurrection on an international scale. 

Third, equipped with a revolutionary workers party, a politically conscious, united working class uses class unity as a weapon to combat every form of social oppression. Racism, transphobia, misogyny, national oppression and the other evils of capitalism are combatted through a fighting proletarian organisation that understands the power of working class unity. Every step towards combating oppressive beliefs and behaviour within the working class only paves the way to a stronger, united working class. When workers no longer tolerate transphobia, racism, misogyny and national chauvinism within their ranks, they become an invincible force that cannot be shaken by the most powerful imperialist armies. Black and white, trans and cis, men and women, and nationalities of every sort are able to unite as revolutionary workers to strike a single blow against monopoly capital and its henchmen. 

Towards a Revolutionary Situation

When the working class becomes politically conscious and united, a revolutionary situation will emerge that opens the road to socialist revolution. In such a situation, the bourgeoisie is no longer in a position to rule and the majority of working people refuse to continue living under capitalism. Armed with a revolutionary programme and organised within a revolutionary socialist workers party, the working class is in a position to overthrow the bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The road to power becomes clear, well-defined, and in reach. There is a social context in which oppressed people everywhere are fighting their oppressors as workers and are unafraid to use revolutionary violence to achieve their aims. 

Not individual terror, but revolutionary measures waged collectively by the proletariat will be generalised and become part of daily life. A general strike will not be an isolated, one day event, but a generalised social occurrence that makes capitalist production impossible. As a result of the impossibility of carrying on capitalist production, the workers take over their workplaces by kicking out the bosses and showing society what socialist production could look like. In such a revolutionary situation, a socialist revolution is likely to happen. An international communist future, free from class division and all forms of social oppression, has become a real option for the working class and the popular masses. 

Where Does Political Consciousness Come From?

Where does this political consciousness and class unity come from? Does it spontaneously arise through the struggles of the working class? The United Communists of Europe does not think such political consciousness is spontaneous. Sections of the working class can certainly discover revolutionary Marxism independently. Whole unions can even develop a strong anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist consciousness, as the history of the workers movement has shown. However, the working class in its totality will not become politically conscious spontaneously. For the working class to become politically conscious and unite to act as a class, a revolutionary communist party is required. The party is the embodiment of revolutionary political consciousness, which is expressed through its programme. 

A programme is not just a document with a set of demands, but a living reality that is only meaningful in revolutionary praxis. The programme contains a revolutionary strategy and advises the proper tactics for achieving this strategic intervention into the class struggle. It contains a clear vision for a communist future, and spells out the necessary steps to get there. Such a programme contains slogans that are the result of revolutionary Marxist analysis, and which can advance the class struggle when workers take them up. Our programme is not a finished document, but a constant, ongoing dialectical process. Its basis is praxis, which is articulated through revolutionary Marxist theory. Programmatic discussions are the basis for uniting revolutionaries and building a strong, communist organisation. Through our programme, we can unite revolutionaries from around the world into a single, fighting force that strikes terror into the hearts of the bourgeoisie. 

Our organisation has only begun the production of our programme. We base it on the revolutionary tradition of Marxism, which spans from the 1830's, had a rich history in the 1920s and 1970s, and continues to this day. At the moment, the United Communists of Europe is not a party, but a network of revolutionaries who recognise the importance of a communist party. Such a party cannot be wished into existence, but requires disciplined work, patience and time to build. The formation of a revolutionary Marxist party, equipped with a communist programme and rooted in the working class, is nothing short of a declaration of war on the bourgeoisie and the entire capitalist system. 

The United Communists of Europe is organising a network of revolutionaries who want to see a politically conscious, united working class in our lifetime. We are a disciplined core of revolutionary militants who have broken with reformism and are equipped with a revolutionary communist vision. We do not think communism is impossible even if the world today is a dark place. Imperialist wars, far-right governments, transphobic and racist hate mongers everywhere, and a highly precarious situation for the working class: this characterises contemporary capitalism. Despite this darkness, we think it is entirely possible for the working class to regain its class independence and become a revolutionary force in the world again. There is no reason for it not to be. 

It is the duty of communists to unite revolutionaries into a single, international organisation and articulate the content of a revolutionary communist programme. While we might be small and isolated today, our class–the international proletariat–still has the power to radically transform the world. We refuse to accept the status quo and therefore carry out the work of spreading our emancipatory, communist vision and organising the forces needed to bring it about. 

–For a politically conscious, united working class!

–Fight racism by uniting black, brown, Asian and white workers on class lines!

–Fight transphobia by uniting trans and non-trans workers in a single front against the transphobic bourgeois order!

–Expose the treachery of the bureaucratic trade union officials by organising a militant minority in the unions and putting them on a class struggle basis!

–For a united front policy towards potential class allies such as the petty-bourgeoisie and rank-and-file trade union members!

–Arm the working class with a revolutionary programme and a strategic leadership that can enable it to wage a revolutionary class struggle!

–No to every form of reformism, no matter how well-meaning or progressive sounding!

–Revolutionary class war led by a united, politically conscious working class as the key to radical social transformation!

–For the dictatorship of the proletariat and international proletarian revolution!

–Forward to a communist world!